This is what i have to contribute.
Nicholas Tate
History 444
Professor Hopper
6/9/10
Violent Chaos: Understanding the Foundations of the Lord’s Resistance Army
Over the past twenty years the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) has brought terror and murderous chaos to the northern great lakes region of Africa. Originating in Northern Uganda under the leadership of Joseph Kony, the LRA has now spread into parts of Sudan, the D.R. Congo and the Central African Republic. Since 1987 the strength and number of the LRA has fluctuated, and presently both the Ugandan and Congolese governments claim that they are not a significant threat. However this is not the case. The Acholi people of northern Uganda, as well as the Congolese, feel abandoned. They are still subject to increasingly violent LRA massacres that are unpredictable and seemingly insignificant to their respective governments. Possibly the most horrific single event in the LRA’s strain of atrocities happened in December 2009 when the rebel group killed three hundred and twenty one civilians, and abducted over two hundred and fifty in a series of massacres in the Makombo region of the D.R. Congo.1 A Chief from the city of Niangara whose son was killed in one of these massacres claims, “We have been forgotten. It’s as if we don’t exist. The government says the LRA are no longer a problem, but I know that’s not true.”2 It is therefore evident that the LRA is still active and dangerous, yet it is not so clear as to how this is possible, considering their lack of numerical strength as apposed to the Ugandan National Army.
This question can be answered by considering the foundations and motivations of the LRA. While it is hard to define the LRA, and a solitary goal is easily found to be absent from their campaigns, it is possible to demonstrate what they are not, through their disregard for the Acholi people. Joseph Kony opportunistically utilized Religious ideologies patterned on those of the Holy Spirit Movement, which was founded by Alice Lakwena, to mobilize support for the LRA. He was able to do this under the false pretense that he was addressing the grievances of the Acholi, yet his merciless tactics and the dissipation of any clear political or religious motivation caused the LRA to become a vehicle of militant chaos which epitomized the forces it was supposedly founded to combat. The LRA utilized the traditions of the Holy Spirit Movement that would benefit Kony’s purpose but betrayed those that had the Acholi people at their center, and can therefore, no longer be considered a nationalist force.
Kony’s opportunistic actions are not based in nationalism or religion but as Vlassenroot claims, “a mixture of political entrepreneurship, personal frustration, and warlordism. 3 The manifestations of these motivations have continued to plague the northern great lakes region of Africa for two decades. In these physical policies based upon fear and indiscriminate will, lie both the reason for the LRA’s survival, and evidence that it is not what it once claimed to be.
There is significant debate surrounding the origins of the LRA, which ranges from racist claims that insist the Acholi people were genetically militant,4 to views that Joseph Kony was on a mission from God to establish a military state based upon the ten commandments.5 These views only deal with portions of the issue and either fail or refuse to understand the complexity of the rebel group’s origins. This may because of the role that British colonization played in the militarization of northern Uganda, or the unrealistic desire to attribute various effects to a single cause. Nonetheless a more complete analysis is necessary. This is not to say that there are not exceptional examples of in depth study on the issue, but rather to highlight the negative repercussions of simplifying the debate.
British colonization led to a socio-economic divide between northern and southern Uganda which encouraged the militarization of the Acholi in the north. The foundations of a colonial system which favors the southern portion of Uganda are found in the pre-colonial kingdoms of Buganda and Bunyoro, respectively in the south and the north. These kingdoms had been in opposition since the sixteenth century and were independent of one another. General Charles Gordon, a British colonial explorer, reported that Buganda was the more favorable, and civilized of the two kingdoms after they invited him and the British to overthrow Bunyoro.6 John Hanning Speke would further this notion with his declaration that the Acholi “have no sultans … of any consequence.” This geographical preference would serve to shape the allocation of wealth in colonial Uganda. The south benefited from “industry and cash crop production” whereas the north became a pool for laborers and soldiers.7 It was these British imposed factors, not genetics, that caused the Acholi to gain a sense militancy.
The combination of this militarily identifiable people group with the increased propensity for military strength to dictate politics, caused the potential for nationalist uprisings to grow. Examples of these are the Ugandan National liberation Army (UNLA) and the National Resistance Army (NRA) which was headed by Yoweri Museveni, a Munyankole from southern Uganda.8 The National Resistance Movement under Museveni gained power in 1986 and in turn the first southerner to have controlled the Ugandan government in at least three reigns assumed the presidency. Henceforth this would not be a period of peace, but of further insurgency and increased Acholi resistance. In the midst of this violence the Acholi people became more and more tormented by what they call Cen, vengeful spirits of family members or fellow soldiers that had been violently killed.9 Whether they were actual spiritual beings or traumatic memories associated with the atrocities of war, they still functioned to subvert Acholi moral. They people of the north were being assaulted both politically and spiritually.
In these dire circumstances a new movement was born under Alice Lakwena that was based upon syncretic religious beliefs and the fact that Alice was the dwelling place of the spirit Lakwena. This charismatic and uncharacteristic movement gave the Acholi a last hope at winning “a war that was virtually lost.”10 The movement gained immense popular support and stayed loyal to the Acholi people in making its paramount goal to protect them. The Holy Spirit Movement (HSM) however was short lived and accomplished little more than providing a blueprint which Joseph Kony could exploit. While the LRA claim to fall into the category of mony me polo, or ‘the army of heaven’ which the HSM rightfully did, they are not loyal to the Acholi people and therefore contradict themselves.11
Frank Van Acker suggests that it was the short lifespan of the HSM which allowed it to evade internal contradictions that plagued the LRA. 12 However, it was an adherence to morals, and loyalty to their cause, rather than a fortuitous brevity that kept the HSM from self contradiction. Alice Lakwena believed in her cause to aid the Acholi people and she believed in her spiritually centered methods to do so. However she was able to see that keeping her rebel movement alive was not worth becoming a parasite that fed on the vitality of the Acholi. Actions which are harmful to your people are counterproductive, and this truth remains self evident whether you are examining it through a rational or a spiritual lens.
The HSM relied on popular support and therefore ensured that its actions were manifestations of the peoples’ will. With the LRA however, this is not the case. Their army consists of five hundred to one thousand permanent or voluntary soldiers, and as many as three thousand abductees, as well as thousands of more temporary abductees which are used to transport goods pillaged from cities.13 For the LRA to survive it must be constantly stealing resources from the Acholi community. In order to compensate for the defense of the Acholi villages by locals armed with bow and arrows, and their own meager number of troops, the LRA has resorted to using fear tactics in order to survive.
Mutilation and abduction are the most common ways the LRA disseminates fear. Mutilation is often used to set an example, and is, as in the case of the Makombo massacres, inflicted upon the adult males. This inspires fear in the eyes of children who must watch their fathers be brutally dismembered, and serves to remove any type of physical threat. Anthony Vinci describes mutilation as a Highly symbolic form of violence utilized as a “method of communication and control over the population”.14 Aside from filling out its ranks, abduction aids the LRA in creating a constant paranoia that causes children in rural areas to walk miles to cities so they sleep in safety. Abduction is the lifeblood of the LRA. It serves not only to spread fear but also to create a movement that is not dependent on popular support.15 These two functions of abduction work together in an atrocious cycle. Abduction sustains the army without the need for popular support and therefore more fear can be instilled in the population without jeopardizing the existence of the army. Furthermore the climate of fear heightens the army’s power and allows it to continue abducting.
These violations against its own people demonstrate what seems to be a blatant disregard that the LRA has for life and the culture it was created to protect. This is further evidence that its motivations no longer lie with the Acholi people and that it is not functioning as a nationalist force.
The fact that there is a group of five hundred to one thousand of what Vinci calls “Hardcore fighters” who are loyal to Kony, may be seen as evidence that there is some genuine religious cause, with backing from the Almighty, which motivates the LRA. This is not a preposterous theory because Kony claims to be the dwelling place of Lakwena, the spirit that inhabited the leader of the HSM, as well various other spirits. However it is evident that Kony views his movement as the extension of previous Acholi nationalist insurgencies, and that the loyalty these “hardcore fighters” possess can be attributed to other factors.
Kony’s belief in the nationalistic nature of the LRA is evident in a parable that he told on a recent radio talk show. In this parable he compares Museveni’s government to a lion that his predecessors grabbed by the tail and then passed of to him claiming that they would go get help, yet never did.16 The actions of his predecessors are likely due to the radical anti-Acholi tactics developed by the LRA, but this is not currently important and will be dealt with later. What is pertinent is the fact that Kony views his movement as the inheritance of previously founded nationalist grievances and not a mission from God to establish a state based upon the ten commandments. Motivations of voluntary LRA soldiers, however must still be determined.
A large portion of the loyal soldiers who fight in the LRA do so because they do not know another way of life. A large portion either fought under Alice Lakwena in the HSM, or as member of another insurgent group, such as the Uganda People’s Democratic Army (UPDA). When these movements were defeated many ex-soldiers attempted to return to normal life, but were unable to because they lacked the skills and relationships needed.17 Their professions had become those of soldiers and therefore the most logical step for them was to join the LRA. Julius Achon, a northern Ugandan who was abducted along with fourteen others, by the LRA, at the age of thirteen, testified to this fact. He was able to overcome his past through his exceptional running abilities and reliance on the Bible,18 However he emphasized that he was the exception to the rule, and the kids abducted along side of him reverted to violence and frustration after escaping the ranks of the LRA.
Further reasons for loyalty to the LRA include genuine yet unfounded beliefs that Kony actually possesses spiritual powers. These beliefs are influenced by Acholi culture and the use of fear to promote Kony’s omnipotence. As demonstrated by their belief in Cen, or vengeance ghosts, as well as there emphasis on the importance of spiritual war blessings, the Acholi peoples’ cosmology is rife with the actions of spiritual entities.19 This makes the spiritual status of Kony all the more believable, especially to children who are vulnerable and impressionable after being abducted. Vinci notes that some abducted child soldiers even think Kony is God himself.20 The LRA strategically feeds on the spiritually based preconditions of Acholi cosmology in order to dawn the perception that they are a spiritually aided force. This is successfully done through various tactics and contributes to “lack of vigor in pursuing rebels.”21 Continuing the legacy of the HSM who utilized spiritual anointments that were supposed to make them invulnerable, soldiers of the LRA are trained to be fearless in battle. This fearlessness on the part of the rebels causes even some of the Ugandan national soldiers to believe in the pseudo-divinity of Kony.
Kony’s belief that the LRA is the latest link in the chain of nationalist insurgencies strengthens the parallel between him and the HSM. However the fundamental difference in actions towards the Acholi people still cannot be dismissed as anything other than a blatant and foundational contradiction. This raises a dilemma in analyzing the origins of the LRA. Was there a shift in policies which led to the exploitation of the Acholi people or did Kony possess ulterior motives from the beginning? Van Acker suggests that the influence of generals Taubley and Otti, who come from what he calls the “UNLA/UPDA genealogy [of] the LRA,” are responsible for the implementation of guerrilla tactics and terror as an instrument of war.22
Adding to these influential new tactics were the frustrations that Kony felt due to lack of support from the Acholi elders, and the failure of the peace treaties with Museveni in 1994. Doom and Vlassenroot argue that Kony felt as if he had been betrayed, as illustrated by the lion parable, and therefore shifted his sentiment and tactics towards the Acholi people.23 He no longer saw in them the vigorous qualities which he once believed would aid them in overthrowing Museveni. He called for a solution which entailed the purifying of the Acholi people, if political autonomy was to be attained.24 However it seems through an analysis of the LRA’s actions after this point, that Kony had confused the process of purifying in order to strengthen the Acholi, with one that terrified and rendered them unable to act. It is clear that the influence of previous insurgent groups, failed peace negotiations with Museveni, and a sense of Acholi betrayal led to a distinctive shift in Kony’s course of action. However this doesn’t disprove Doom and Vlassenroots’ thesis that Kony was motivated primarily by “political entrepreneurship, personal frustration, and warlordism.”25 There is sufficient evidence that Kony saw his movement as politically based, however the ease with which he turned against the Acholi people serves to demonstrate the lack of conviction he had for the cause.
The LRA has proven to be a detriment to the people of northern Uganda, as well as other regions of the northern great lakes, for more than twenty years. It is the product of British colonialism which created a state in which political rule through military dominance was commonplace. However the movement is hard to define because its motives are unclear, and as Vinci suggests, it is neither an insurgent nor a terrorist group.26 The same actions, namely mutilation, abduction, and the dissemination of widespread terror, that make the LRA a detriment to the region, also serve to sustain it as an army, and illustrate how it has radically diverged from its original purpose. From Kony’s own words it is clear that the original purpose of the LRA was a nationalistic one that utilized spiritual tactics just as the HSM had done. Furthermore it is evident that the shift in tactics and sentiment towards the Acholi was catalyzed by the influence of UNLA and UPDA generals as well as the actions of Museveni in the attempted peace in 1994. The evidence for Kony possessing Ulterior motives from the start is compelling but does not constitute the entire truth. Kony didn’t set out to exploit the Acholi, yet he was never adamant about their salvation either, so he was easily influenced, and eventually the importance of the survival of his army, and his personal legacy grew to supersede the original cause, which was to address the grievances of the Acholi people.
The current sense of hope in northern Uganda that Julius Achon spoke of27, as well as the newly drafted bill which recently made it law to pursue Joseph Kony’s arrest, illustrate that the period of violence in Uganda is coming to an end. However it is important to understand the foundations as well as the current state of the LRA in order to ensure that a revitalization, such as the one following the 1990’s peace attempts, doesn’t happen again.
Bibliography
Achon Julius, in class lecture, April 28, 2010
Doom, Ruddy and Koen Vlassenroot, “Kony’s Message: A New Koine? The Lords Resistance army in Northern Uganda,” African Affairs (Jan., 1999) Vol. 98, No. 390 , pp. 5-36
Finnstrom, Sverker, “Wars of the Past and War in the Present: The Lord’s ResistanceMovement/Army in Uganda,” The Journal of the International African Institute (2006) Vol. 76, No. 2, pp. 200-220.
Hopper, Matthew, History 444 lecture slides, lecture 7.
Human Rights Watch, The Christmas Massacres: LRA Attacks on Civilians in Northern Congo . New York: Human Rights Watch, 2009.
Human Rights Watch, Trail of Death: LRA Atrocities in Northeastern Congo. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2010.
Van Acker, Frank, “Uganda and the Lord’s resistance Army: The new Order no One Ordered,” African Affairs (2004) Vol. 103, No. 412, pp. 335-357.
Vinci, Anthony. Beyond Terror and Insurgency: The LRA’s Dirty War in Northern Uganda. Edited by George Kassimeris. Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2006.
